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The Case of the Russian Exclave Kaliningrad". Enclaves are a fairly frequent phenomenon. The role of the enclaves as a generator of conflicts between motherland and surrounding states e. A theory of enclaves provides the answers to two fundamental questions: what factors determine the enclaves' sovereign belonging ethnic composition of the population and what economic policies can ensure their successful sustainable economic development economic openness.

Starting in , Vinokurov has actively been engaged in studying economic and political integration. In he headed the international research group and published the EDB System of Indicators for the Eurasian Integration SIEI , a complex system of comprehensive monitoring of statistics and dynamics of regional integration in the CIS region with the use of a specialized economic toolkit. This book introduced and quantitatively grounded the concept of the "integration core" in the post-Soviet space.

Together with A. Libman he also developed a theory of holding-together regionalism to explain the patterns of regional re-integration processes relevant for the explanation of integration patterns not only in the post-Soviet space but also in Africa and some other regions. Thus, his research differentiates itself by the continental scope, covering the fastest growing regions of the world and concentrating on the emerging economic and political linkages in Eurasia, which have not been studied in depth before.

In a nutshell, it provides a coherent view of Eurasian continental integration. The concept of Eurasian continental integration was the subject of the book "Eurasian Integration: Challenges of Transcontinental Regionalism", written together with A. Libman several years before it became mainstream. Up to now, Eurasian integration has primarily developed from the bottom-up, as intergovernmental cooperation is lagging behind the development of economic linkages.

Vinokurov argues that cooperation in Eurasia should not and could not encompass all countries of the continent: rather, it should be based on multiple overlapping integration projects involving governments, sub-national and supranational institutions.

The presence of several centers of power - the EU , China , India , Russia , as a center of attraction of the former Soviet Union, and Turkey , as an emerging leader of the Islamic West Asia , makes the emergence of a single continental integration organization of a supranational nature very unlikely. A network structure of integration, a so-called "spaghetti bowl" of various kinds of multilateral agreements aimed at solving specific problems, is much more probable. Eurasian integration could drive development by integrating energy trade, non-energy trade and transport, capital and labour flows, tourism, and fighting against drug trading and the spread of epidemics.

Vinokurov further argues that open regionalism in Eurasia is an economically optimal supplement to regional integration initiatives, in particular to post-Soviet integration.

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Libman and published by Palgrave Macmillan. It introduces the new database of 62 regional organizations with up to various parameters for each one of them. This monograph pursues two research questions: first, why do regional organizations demonstrate such remarkable resilience even when they do not achieve their declared goals? Second, what factors actually determine the goal-setting and how do they evolve over the life of the regional organization? Vinokurov E. Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan.

While overall the implementation of legislation was much slower in Moldova than in some other ENP countries, the adoption of laws in line with EU demands stumbled against vested interests in sensitive areas such as judicial reform and the fight against corruption Niemann and de Wekker , p.

Clearly, the arrival into power of the Alliance for European Integration which coincided with the launch of the Eastern Partnership gave a new impetus to the relationship with the EU. During the negotiations for an association agreement together with a DCFTA, Moldovan authorities proved both receptive to EU demands and, unlike some other Eastern Partnership countries, reluctant to bargain despite the short-terms costs to be incurred as a result of compliance with EU demands.

Compliance with EU standards is expected to enhance the competitiveness of Moldovan products and to substantially increase investments flows to Moldova.

Top 15 Former Soviet Union Countries by GDP Per Capita Ranking History [1995-2017]

As the country moves closer to the EU it also becomes more vocal on EU accession — an objective which had been explicitly stated since the s, yet which was not matched by actual implementation of EU rules and norms Phinnemore This is also because of the absence of political costs imposed by the EU on the ruling elite for non-compliance in these areas.

Tensions on European integration have been brought to the fore by the emergence of the Eurasian Customs Union and the growing rivalry between the EU and Russia. Since , Russia has stepped up pressure over Moldova to deter the country from further integration with the EU. It has done so by adjusting its own policies and by empowering anti-EU actors inside Moldova. Since early , tighter limitations for labor migration have been in application in Russia - de facto excluding the possibility of exiting from the Russian territory after a day period and re-entering straight away.

The amendments brought to the Federal Law on the Legal Status of Foreign Citizens in the Russian Federation in November introduce both administrative liability for foreign citizens who violate Russian migration legislation and mandatory state fingerprint registration of foreign citizens who apply for a license to work. These conditions may actually result in the deportation of the bulk of Moldovan migrants. Second, Russia has not only supported those Moldovan political and societal actors e.

If anything, divisions regarding foreign policy orientation surfaced with the November parliamentary elections. Despite a tight majority in favor of parties supporting EU integration, the PSDM whole leader, Igor Dodon, met Vladimir Putin in Moscow during the electoral campaign has emerged as the single largest party.

In these regions, Russia is seen as both a protector against the perceived threat of a Moldovan unitary state based upon the Romanian heritage and an alternative to integration with the EU. Besides supporting the breakaway region of Transnistria Devyatkov and anchoring it further to its own legislation, Russia has especially sought to empower pro-Russian forces in the autonomous region of Gagauzia.

Second, growing economic interdependence with the EU is an important factor, yet as Moldova retains other forms of interdependence with Russia e. The two countries are linked by close military cooperation as well as substantial trade and migration flows.

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Nonetheless, like in Moldova this section reveals more complex attitudes to regional integration projects in Armenia. While, owing to its strategic alliance with Russia, Armenia was broadly perceived as a laggard in the European Neighbourhood Policy, between and the country has increasingly sought to expand political and economic cooperation with the European Union.


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Between when negotiations were launched for an Association Agreement with the EU and the country carried out substantial reforms in line with EU demands on legal approximation. Armenia actually caught up some other countries which were considered more advanced under the ENP. At the same time, Armenia was a case of silent Europeanization Delcour and Wolczuk, Unlike some other Eastern partners, it was not vocal in highlighting its achievements in the sphere of European integration and it never expressed any membership aspirations.

The decision came as a surprise not only to the EU, but also to the Armenian elites. However, formally major steps were undertaken with the adoption of a road map in December , the approval of the corresponding action plan for implementation in January , and finally the signature of the accession treaty to the Eurasian Economic Union in October Nonetheless, during negotiations, Armenia actually requested exemptions from customs duties on commodity groups. As also openly emphasized by the Prime Minister, the average import customs duty is 2.

Why has the country given an impetus to compliance with EU templates despite its security alliance with Russia? Why has the Armenian President then turned to Eurasian integration in spite of the costs to be incurred by the country? In recent years, we have registered considerable success in that area.

The presidential elections triggered massive protests against alleged electoral fraud.

The harsh reaction of incumbent authorities resulted in a sharp political polarization, in a context of severe economic crisis and lack of reforms. Even though the country has embarked in the Eurasian integration project, the resonance of EU norms and values remains high. The special relationship between Moscow and Yerevan has been built around military cooperation, with Russia offering both bilateral and multilateral security guarantees. These apply only to the territory of Armenia and not to Nagorno-Karabakh. Armenia then realized that decisions by some EU Member States could — even if unintentionally — bring additional insecurity without triggering any condemnation by the bloc.

Ultimately, given both the salience of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and its regional vulnerability, the country had little choice but to accommodate Russian requirements. Nonetheless, the depth of this engagement still needs to be ascertained. Complementarity is still supported by the Armenian public, as illustrated by recent surveys.

Negotiations with the EU were conducted with small groups of experts, with hardly any explanations of their consequences and benefits to the population.

Eurasian Integration - Evgeny Vinokurov, Alexander Libman - Bok () | Bokus

In sum, the main explanations identified in the first part of this article interrelate in a complex way in Armenia. Unlike in Moldova, there is no sense of common identity with the EU nor, for that matter, with Russia. The article points to a differential role of these factors in Armenia and Moldova. However, they do so only partially as they fail to fully take into account local conditions. In fact, the article sheds light on a multifaceted and sometimes dialectical relationship between external and internal drivers leading to engagement into regional projects.

These findings open new research avenues. The findings also call for further exploration of the actual implementation of EU and Eurasian Union demands once agreements committing partner countries to regional projects are fully into force and transitional arrangements come to an end. Acknowledgements The author would like to thank the participants of a research seminar at the Centre for EU studies, Ghent University, and two anonymous referees for their comments on an earlier version of this article. Averre, Derek. Roads to Regionalism. Farnham: Ashgate. West European Politics 35, no.

Bosse, Giselle.


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    Related Identities. Associated Subjects. Evgeniy Jurevitsj Vinokoerov Russisch econoom.